The 2010 Census: New Battle Ground on Immigration

The census has caused some fear among undocumented immigrants in he past. They ask: How's the information to be used? There have been urban legends circulating in the last few counts of la migra following the census takers to the front door. Yet the Latino community has been served well by including the undocumented in the count. The census is used first for apportionment of electoral votes, congressional seats and state or local distracting. The count has led to greater Latino representation in congress, state legislatures and city councils, and the electoral votes of some heavily Hispanic populated states contributed significantly to the victory of President Barack Obama. Since the 2000 census, for example, California gained an additional three congressional seats, reputedly because of the "inflated" Latino count; some other states lost seats. Another important aspect of the census is that federal and state money are distributed according to its figures -- that's money for school, mass transit, health and welfare, and the like. As a consequence civil groups in Latino communities have supported the census in the past, even for the undocumented, and this year are gearing up for a push similar to last year for voter registration. A good count means representation and need funds.

Churches have been part of the coalition urging participation in the census by the undocumented. But this year the National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Christian Leaders, a grouping of conservative evangelical and pentecostal ministers, is urging at least a million undocumented not to participate as to send the country a message -- that they are being treated unfairly with the delay of comprehensive immigration reform. This idea strikes more established Latino organizations as self-defeating. To many it like "stamping your foot" because your mad or shouting to the wind "I'm not going to take it anymore." It might make one feel good for the moment, but the consequence will show up later when the voice of the community is weakened in the halls of power or when the federal dollar does not come for early child education or a local development project.

Some look on the motives of the ministers as more sinister. The group is politically conservative and like many Evangelicals supported Bush and McCain in presidential elections. Some suspect their intent is to join with nativist to shore up the GOP. But it is gratuitous to question their sincereity. Nativists agree with them on principle that the undocumented should not be counted becuase they don't belong here. They tried in the past to exclude the undocumented, but were rejected by the Supreme Court. The constitution provides that everyone is to be counted and the result reported to the Congress. So far there has been little support for a boycott, since Latinos are beginning to appreciate their political clout and want to build on it for the benefit of the community. (See Los Angeles Times article.)

"Chubbing" to Death Voter ID

A spate over voter fraud between Democrats and Republicans before and after last year's election led to numerous state legislative proposals to require identification at the polls -- even at times photo ID. Those proposals, usually advanced by Republicans, are still kicking around state legislatures. Democrats, since they did pretty well last year, have been able to prevent voter id proposals to get very far. The Oklahoma legislature, controlled by the GOP, sent a bill to the governor, but the Democrat governor vetoed it. In Texas, where Republicans alsorule but noe with a governor, the Democrats reverted to an old state tradition -- "chubbing". This is merely talking something to death. The way the tactic works is to prolong debate on minor bills so that the body -- this time the House -- cannot get to serious debate and vote on crucial issues. The Texas Legislature meets for only 140 days and the delaying tactic has pushed the House up to adjournment. Important issues suc as home insurance for the hurricane prone Gulf coast and child health insurance might have to be put off. The Democrats hope this will result in the withdrawl of the voter ID measure. (See New York Times article.)

While the issue has many political overtones, it's not just politics as usual. True, the Democrats are protecting their voter base -- minorities, immigrants and the poor -- and Republicans are shocked by political shenanigans of their opponents. But those most likely not to have proper ID, especially photo ID, are minorities, the poor and the elderly. To get the type of ID the legislatures are asking -- driver's licenses or special photo ID voter cards -- are usually too bureaucratically burdensome for them. You don't have to go back to the disputed Florida elections of 2000, there were plenty of people turned back from the polls in 2008. There were few provable episodes of fraud, and mostly bureaucratic foul-ups. The question is more the rights of poor people.

MEXICAN DRUG WARS SEEP INTO THE US HEARTLAND
The New York Times tells the story of the overdose death of a young Ohio man that traces all the ways back to Tepic, Nayarit, Mexico. The drug cartels may be shooting each other up in Mexico, but in Ohio it's business as usual. And business is good. In the process the cartels are recruiting out-of-work undocumented immigrants and even sending naive camposinos to the country via coyotes. Two such were charge with manslaughter and sentenced by Ohio courts in the killing of a Columbus man to whom they sold heroin. After sentancing, the man's mother recognized that all were victims of the cartel -- the man who overdosed, the grieving mother and the two undocumented immigrants.

Survival Tool for Immigrants in a Recession -- La Cudina

Poverty and hard times have always been a fertile time for innovation among immigrants, especially during hard times. The burial and benevolences of the 19th century occasionally evolved into banks, credit unions and insurance companies in the 29th century. The poor are not totally helpless in providing for their needs, as the success of mini-credit groups like the Grameen Bank attest. Mexicans have long had their own vehicle of self-help -- in good times perhaps to open a small business and in hard merely to survive and pay pressing bills. The idea behind the "cudina" is to help oneanther by pooling a small amount of money -- usually on average about $1,000 --
amon a few friends and family as a rotating credit. Each member pays in a small amount, takes a sum out -- often by turns -- to meet a pressing need and pays back when he/she can. It's founded on trust and so restricted to family and close friends. Often it's a family secret. Cudinas are not without dangers -- for example, members pulling out, not keeping up with contributions or repayments, or simply fraud. However small the amounts are in terms of the larger economy, they are big to the participants and work for them. Cudinas are widespread in Mexico and came into the US in the Southwest. Not everyone trusts them and many think they are risky. Stll, as the recession brings on more unemployment or reduced income, Mexican immigrants are turning to them around the country. (See Arizona Republic article.)

The Haitian Undocumented

Haiti is the poorest country of the Americas and has suffered the most grief over its history than any other country of the Americas. Their suffering continues to this day as the recent capsizing of boatload of undocumented refugees and the death of nine illustrates. Fear of deportation keeps many Haitians in the same shadows as other undocumented immigrants. But in a sense their plight is even more desperate. Deportation to Haiti is to return to the extreme poverty, threats of natural disasters, and high levels of violence. Many immigrant advocates are urging the US to extend to Haitians "temporary protected status" that had been given in the past to refugees of civil war and natural disasters who could not return safely to their countries. The Obama administration has reiterate US policy to deport the undocumented and 30,000 cases are at that stage. But the recent re-evaluation of ICE raids has turned the focus on searching out "the criminal element". Critics of temporary protected status object that it would only encourage more reckless attempts to enter the country. But these groups speak less out of compassion and more out of their cross-the-board hostility to all increse in immigration. (See New York Times article.)

MORE HISPANIC DEMOGRAPHICS
One in five children in the US is Hispanic and by 2025 it will be one in three. Already most of those children are born in the USA. A few trace their heritage all the way back to the Hispanos of New Mexico and Colorado, the Californios and the Tejanos that were here before the Americanos. But most are children of 20th and 21st century immigrants. There are about 11% born outside the country and brought here as children, and a goodly number were born to the children of early 20th century immigrants. But now a majority, according to a Pew Hispanic Center study of census data, are second generation born to immigrants since the 1980s. Of these 40% have at least one undocumented parent. This is quite a change from 1980 when six of every ten Hispanic children was from a third or higher generation. Projecting into the future, as the second generation has its own children, the 2025 estimate will reflect more third or higher generation children. While currently the rate of second and third generation children in poverty is about the same, the second generation is more vulnerable. They have less command of English and do poorly at school and tend to be caught up more in the gang culture. But they also are more likely to live with both parents in the household. (See Washington Post or Pew Hisanic Center article.)

Can Sheriff Joe Get Prisoners to Court on Time?

Justices in the Maricopa County Courts complain that Sheriff Joe Arpaio's officers are not getting prisoners on time for court appearances -- or at all. The country's toughest sheriff pleads a shortage of personnel, but county bean-counters says he has more than enough deputies. Justices are speculating, quitre publicly, that Sheriff Joe's "crime sweeps" -- round-ups of undocumented -- is distracting his department from its constitutional duties. (See Arizona Republic article.)

Putting Together the Pieces for Comprehensive Immigration Reform

The basic mantra of the Obama administration on immigration reform has been "secure borders and a pathway to citizenship" -- or sometimes "to legalization". That leaves a lot of details in-between and it's precisely the spelling out of those details that could cause a repeat of the failures of 2006 and 2007. The Arizona Republic, generally favorable to comprehensive reform, highlighted in an editorial what will be the crucial issue -- the issue of labor after an amnesty. The Republic argues that just technically improved enforcement at the border will never be enough. Eventually the job market for cheap labor will revive and the attraction to cross the border will follow as well. There always will be enough employers looking for a bargain.

So the issue will seem be: How does the demand for the cheap labor get met after legalization? The wages are not cheap in the eyes of desperate Mexican campesinos, but after an amnesty the foot-loose undocumented, now out of the shadows, won't even thinks of taking those jobs. Next month a serious discussion will begin in the Senate on how to structure a comprehensive reform that will address the need for future workers. Any proposal of creating special visas for temporary workers must include a couple of important provisions. Visas for temporary labor must not tied the guest worker to one employer. He/she should have some freedom of movement or right to change employers without penalty. Second, US labor, safety and health laws must strictly be enforced. Workers should be allowed to bring their immediate families with them. And finally workers who abide by the laws should have at the end of the visa (usually proposed as six years) the option to get permanent residency. Such a flexible system of work visas -- already proposed in the AgJobs Bill -- would provide a workable reform.

Not Much Diference Between Bush and Obama on Immigration

President Barack Obama had campaigned promising to move away from George W. Bush's tightened immigration enforcement. But in the first months of his administration, the president has done little. In April Homeland Security did modify the raids policy, shifting the enforcement more toward employers than workers. But the administration has allotted more money for the deficient E-Verify program. Obama has stressed border enforcement and continued the "fence" -- even though now it's more virtual than real. Much of the policy drift is understandable in view of the state of the economy and the fact his appointment to run ICE has only recently been confirmed by the Senate. The judgment of immigration advocates is at best on hold, but street activists are restless and losing hope in any positive action soon. (See Washington Post analysis.)